Chapter 13
Gestures
In the course of a single day a man's hands perform many,
many superfluous and pointless movements. They lead a life of their own,
almost as if they were living creatures in their own right, when their
owner is talking. They reach into the air, grasp it, knead it, spar with
it, perforate it with outstretched fingers. What is the significance of
these motions? Considering all the purposeful actions our hands perform,
these disorderly movements strike a jarring note.
Scrutinizing them more closely, we encounter an important
evolutionary principle. Lack of order can, without deliberate intent, give
birth to order. Even quite fortuitous concomitants can acquire significance
for a living creature, become functional and, thus, useful. Natural selection
then ensures that the new feature gains ground. What was originally fortuitous
becomes a new order.
Human gestures are a good example of this development.
Many of them can be traced back to quite meaningless movements of the sort
which can still be observed in any agitated person. Like facial movements,
these gestures developed into signals which were clarified and simplified
by ritualization. The bulk of them were passed on by tradition, i.e., learned,
but there are probably many others which have already attained hereditary
fixation or exist in the form of learning dispositions. The recognition
of these signals, on the other hand, is often
(original book page 143)
acquired but may also, in part, be based on hereditarily
established nerve structures (IRM's).
We filmed involuntary hand movements-to which no special
signaling value yet attaches-among people in various states of excitation:
relatives waiting on railway platforms or at airports, courting couples
who had yet to overcome their inhibitions, people who were impatient, hesitant,
or angry. The films show hands playing with each other, gripping each other,
squeezing and fondling each other. Alternatively, one band asserts its
independence, strays to throat and face, strokes the chin, toys with nose
or ears. Fingers scratch the scalp or the corners of the eyes; an individual
finger picks the teeth or worries a nostril. From the point of view of
behavioral research, these are mainly displacement activities of the kind
which animals perform in quite an analogous way. A state of excitation
elicits actions which are meaningless in the given context. Very often
when a waiting man reaches for a newspaper, lights a cigarette, or orders
himself a drink, he really performs these actions for their own sake, not
because he has a compulsion to read, smoke, or drink. The human being finds
it difficult to behave calmly, especially when he is in a state of conflict.
There are also some movements born of excitation which
reveal just what the person in question would really like to do. For example,
a priest whom we filmed sitting on a bench in Cuzco, Peru, could not make
up his mind whether to remain seated or get up and go. This emerged clearly
from our accelerated film, which showed how his body stirred briefly in
a series of false starts. We have already discussed the fact that such
movements of intent are common among animals. Man provides numerous examples.
If a man is hungry, certain movements of the mouth tell us so. If he is
enraged or aggressively inclined, he clenches his fists. Because we normally
focus our attention on facial movements, with the eyes as our point of
focus, we pay little heed to the no less expressive and informative movements
of the hands.
One very primitive movement of intent is the slight opening
and forward jerk of the hand which occurs when we want to take something.
This movement can be observed with particular frequency in children. The
palm turns uppermost as if to
(original book page 144)
receive something. It is very probable that this movement
formed the origin of the human begging movement, which is used all over
the world and is universally understood. The outstretched, upturned palm
is an easily understandable signal meaning, "Please give." Beggars simplify
it by holding the hand out passively, not that this in any way diminishes
the signaling power of the gesture. A film we made of two Negro children
showed how the sister instructed her little brother in the art of begging
by guiding his hand. This would indicate that the gesture is acquired.
It is probable, however, that an innate learning disposition is involved
here as well, because the gesture is also used by chimpanzees, our nearest
anthropoid relations.
Interestingly enough, chimpanzees perform the gesture
in a still more metaphorical sense. With them, as Jane Goodall was able
to observe, the begging movement has developed into a request for permission
and confirmation. If a low-ranking animal wants to eat a banana when a
senior is nearby, the former will extend its paw to the latter with palm
upturned. The senior signifies approval by placing its paw, palm downward,
on that of the supplicant. Only then will the junior animal venture to
take the banana. Jane Goodall observed another use of this signal among
female chimpanzees when they introduce their newborn babies – which they
bring into the world in solitude – to the group. Very diffidently, the
mother takes her baby to the various members of the troop and presents
it, extending her paw in just such a gesture of entreaty. She shows no
sign of reassurance until she has received the corresponding gesture of
approval. The youngster is then formally received into the troop.
Another human gesture which obviously derived from a
movement of intent is the raising of the hand as a signal for "Halt! Keep
your distance!" This movement clearly conveys an intention to ward something
off and may well be hereditarily fixed. The contrary signal for "Come closer"
– a beckoning gesture – stems from the intention to gather something in.
Of the forms of greeting Eibl studied, the raising and
exposing of the palm is a very primitive signal denoting a friendly attitude.
This gesture resembles the signal for "Halt!" but is
(original book page 145)
clearly distinguishable from the latter. In "Halt!" the
palm is thrust forward vigorously; in the gesture of salutation the arm
is raised calmly and the empty palm exposed as an unmistakable sign that
a person is unarmed or has laid his weapon aside – in other words, that
he harbors no hostile intentions. As we have already mentioned, similar
forms of greeting have evolved among animals. The albatross, for instance,
points its beak skyward in greeting – in other words, away from the recipient
of the greeting. Ramming a spear into the ground is a human salutation
with the same inherent basic meaning, as is the laying aside of weapons
before entering a hut. Raising one's hat as a modern form of salutation
is derived from doffing the helmet. The military salute is said to have
evolved from raising the visor, and presenting arms should probably be
construed as a symbolic offering of one's own weapon to another. These
last-named forms of salutation arose in a wholly traditional way, as did
the raised-fist salute customarily used in Communist countries – a threatening
form of solution which symbolizes a united front against a third party.
Folding of the hands is a widespread sign of prayer and,
in Siam, a token of greeting. This posture has been interpreted as a ritualized
gesture of submission, in that the hands, folded and empty of weapons,
are held out for another to bind. Pilgrims whom I photographed at prayer
in Banaras raised their folded hands somewhat higher. This recalled the
begging movement and might thus have been derived from the intention to
take something. Finally, the fingers are sometimes interlocked as well,
and the gesture turns into hand wringing. Eibl suggests that this is a
ritualized groping for help and quest for protection. Just as the child
clings to its mother, so the two hands – lacking anything to grasp – cling
to each other. The folding of the hands may therefore stem from a variety
of sources.
Other gestures which I recorded among the Hindus are
wholly conventional, that is to say, passed on by tradition. Smiting the
breast is symbolic of self-chastisement or remorse. Immersion in the sacred
water of the Ganges symbolizes purification, as does pouring it over one's
head, sprinkling the eyes and other parts of the body with it, and imbibing
it. I managed to record an interesting series of scooping movements performed
(original book page 146)
by believers kneeling on the bank. Many of them scooped
up water in their hands and raised it to the sky in a gesture of prayer
– probably as a sign of worship. Others, also with hollowed palms raised,
performed a somewhat less extreme movement which involved touching the
water with the backs of the hands only. In still other cases, the gesture
had become totally divorced from the water; the upturned palms merely described
small rhythmical movements in the air. The development of traditional ritualization
can readily be traced here.
Many gestures can depart so far from their original meaning
in this way that their origin becomes unidentifiable. When the devout Shintoist
claps his hands at prayer in the temple, it is to be assumed that he is
seeking to attract God's attention to himself and his requests. When the
Hindu praying in the Ganges turns to face each cardinal point of the compass
in turn, he is probably addressing himself to the deities that dwell there.
When the Christian makes the sign of the cross, on the other hand, it is
necessary to know something about an incident that occurred almost 2,000
years ago in order to understand the origin of the movement. Symbolic gestures
of this kind have developed into various rituals, and there are similar
movements in many dances. They lead on to arbitrarily devised gestures
of communication such as deaf-and-dumb language.
- One gesture undoubtedly influenced by heredity is the
bowing of the head in token of submission. Analogous movements are to be
found in many animal appeasement gestures, by means of which an inferior
activates the appropriate inhibition in its superior. Either the most vulnerable
part of the body is presented - the vanquished wolf exposes its unprotected
throat to the victor – or the animal performs the contrary of a threat
movement by lying flat on the ground in front of its superior rival. In
man there is a combination of both elements: the antithesis of the impressive
stance, and the presentation of a particularly vulnerable spot – the unprotected
back of the head. Self-observation discloses that this still activates
a corresponding inhibition in us today, if only a vague one. Looking as
tall as possible and expanding the chest is universally employed by human
beings as a means of intimidating an adversary, as witness the behavior
of small boys. So long as man's ancestry re-
(original book page 147)
mained obscure, it was possible to regard this as an unimportant
similarity, but it is really a signaling movement with an analogous basis.
The same applies to the opposite behavior, our appeasement posture. This,
too, developed in the course of time – and through conventional ritualization
– into the bow of greeting, which was eventually indicated by no more than
a slight nod of the head.
One problem which particularly interested me was the
origin of the widespread head signals for yes and no – the nod and the
shake. Exceptions occur here, too. The Ceylonese, for example, affirm by
means of a rhythmical to-and-fro movement of the head, and we filmed Italians
who signified negation by raising their heads and inclining them backward
slightly. Darwin assumed that head shaking derives from the movement made
by an infant rejecting food, and that our nod-as a clearly opposed signal
– originally expressed willingness to accept food (in which case the head
is inclined forward). However, our films suggested a somewhat different
explanation.
There can be little doubt that head shaking has its origin
in the child's gesture of rejection. It is a ritualized turning away to
left and right, possibly combined with the shaking-off movement of disgust.
The nod for yes, however, seems more likely to be a curtailed inclination
of the he is to say, a ritualized appeasement gesture. An almost exactly
similar nodding movement was visible in our accelerated films of politely
bowing Japanese. In the course of human evolutionary history, a change
may have occurred similar to the one we viewed with the aid of the artificial
distortion of time by the accelerated films. Just as movements of aversion
are correspondingly curtailed, accelerated, and reiterated in our "no,"
so, in the case of "yes," a corresponding curtailment, acceleration, and
reiteration may have occurred. By saying yes, one accepts the views, suggestions,
or commands of another. This provides the obvious transition.
Shaking the hand as a further sign of negation is also
widely found in various races. As Darwin himself suggested, this movement
is probably analogous to head shaking. Raising the hand to the mouth is
another very primitive gesture, this time of surprise. A surprised man
opens his mouth and draws a reflex breath – and his raised hand screens
the orifice in an instinctive
(original book page 148)
and quite involuntary movement. Reflex inhalation also
occurs in response to shock or fear, and here again the hand displays a
similar tendency.
One hand movement, which we filmed in a wide variety
of places, is habitually used in speech. This involves placing the tips
of thumb and forefinger together to emphasize a line of argument. Usually,
the hand moves agitatedly to and fro, and the speaker often concludes the
gesture by abruptly baring his open palm at the other party. This generally
stresses the speaker's punchline and may be evaluated as the symbolic disclosure
of an idea, the proffering of facts. We filmed the same gesture with a
Samoan dancer, who performed it with both hands and rhythmically repeated
it. However, the basic meaning was probably the same: a symbolic disclosure
and proffering of one's own nature, one's own joie de vivre, one's own
charms.
Another movement often observed in conversation is pointing
with the finger – a gesture which the infant already performs at the crawling
stage. In its original form, the gesture consists in placing the tip of
the forefinger on objects which it is necessary to draw to the attention
of others. If such an object is some distance away, the fingertip points
in the appropriate direction. In conversation, the speaker points metaphorically
to the assertion which he happens to be making, to an objection which he
wishes to raise, to a fact which is to be indicated. A finger signal of
this kind may also refer to past or future events. The forefinger raised
in menacing accusation points warningly to a certain intention. Pointing
when issuing an order has a similar significance-or indicates the object
of the order. And in Siamese dancing, which is highly ritualized, this
sign coupled with a turn of the hand has come to mean a challenge to do
battle.
Very primitive forms of gesture were exemplified by films
which we took of actors in Europe and Japan. What interested us here, apart
from manual gestures, were the no less expressive movements of the head
and entire body. The actor has to transmit ideas and emotions for a considerable
distance, and for this purpose he exaggerates certain expressive movements
which are performed in daily life.
Actresses illustrated the constituents of feminine coquetry
(original book page 149)
for us with particular clarity. A subtle aversion of the
head and body signifies, "I am shy and about to run away." And the backward
glance, coupled with an appropriate smile, means, "But I won't object if
you follow me." The interplay between these two ritualized elements – shrinking
modesty and covert provocation – constitutes a signal stimulus which operates
upon a prospective mate. It is as certain that the female does not have
to acquire this technique as it is that the male possesses an innate understanding
thereof.
Excitation – to return to the starting point of this
chapter – leads to many and varied restless movements and is similarly
represented on the stage. We found a particularly extreme form of ritualization
among the actors of the classical kabuki theater in Tokyo, whose "plays"
consist largely of motor patterns established by tradition. The female
roles are taken by men.
The kabuki woman – as we shall call this hermaphroditic
performer for simplicity's sake –
conveys agitation by a slight shaking of the head. This
signal tells the audience, "I am excited." But the audience must gauge
whether the excitement is pleasurable or distressing from the remainder
of the action. The sign for impatience is similar but clearly distinguishable.
The entire upper part of the body sways to and fro in a ritualized movement
which is as simple as it is effective. I filmed a Samoan woman performing
almost exactly the same swaying motion in real life. Classical tradition
forbids a Japanese girl to flirt openly. All smiles must be hidden by the
hand, and the focus of attention is revealed only by a slight inclination
of the head and the direction of the veiled glance. The kabuki woman conveys
weeping by shaking her head and wiping away tears with a ritualized gesture
similar to one which we found among Siamese dancers. Stamping the foot
as a sign of rage is an ageold human gesture derived from the step taken
preliminary to an attack. Similar movements are found among animals. The
kabuki woman expresses weariness by a highly ritualized gesture: The hand
is placed flat against the cheek, and the head inclined and moved gently
to and fro. Here the hand symbolizes the pillow on which the head would
like to rest, and the movement of the head conveys the actor's impatience
at his inability to achieve the desired state. Another ritualized gesture
(original book page 150)
expresses jealousy: The kabuki woman turns her head slightly
to one side, places the tip of her scarf in her mouth, bites on it (pulling
the scarf downward with both hands at the same time), focuses her gaze
on the object of her jealousy, and moves her head back and forth. The act
of biting the tip of the scarf represents a redirected minatory movement.
The bite is not really directed at the scarf but at an object of hatred.
The kabuki man, by contrast, is not allowed to convey
agitation by means of physical movement. Classical tradition enjoins the
male Japanese to practice self-control. Here, ritualized lip movements
have become the means of communication. When portraying a father whose
son has disgraced the family, the performer assumes a majestic pose and
stands completely motionless. Only his lips move, twitching in a prescribed
manner. Extreme fury is conveyed by parting the lips still farther, baring
the eyeteeth, and intensifying the twitch of the lips. Indeed, the whole
face begins to twitch and the eyes roll – a permissible sign that the man
is losing his self-control entirely. The kabuki man is, however, allowed
to portray the convulsive movements of uncontrollable grief quite openly.
He does not hide his face until the advent of tears.
As unrehearsed films of daily life showed us yet again,
people talking excitedly use many redirected minatory gestures to emphasize
aspects of verbal communication. When angry people smite the air they are
really smiting the person who has occasioned their anger. A man engaged
in fierce argument sometimes grabs the air as a means of holding his listener's
attention. Films of South Italians clearly illustrated the transition from
direct to redirected movement. If one man wishes to attract another's attention,
he often takes him by the sleeve and shakes him or grips him by the shoulder
or lapel. This form of physical contact helps to reinforce the transmission
of personal intent and is aimed at intimidation. If the speaker does not
venture to make such direct contact, the same movements are performed in
the air and serve the same purpose – less forcibly, but to good effect.
Biologists have long known that the life processes, like
inorganic chemical reactions, are accelerated by an increase in temperature.
In evolution, this was a prerequisite of the devel-
(original book page 151)
opment of warm-blooded creatures – mammals and birds –
and of the successful survival of this new "arrangement." Warmblooded creatures
gained ascendancy over the more sluggish cold-blooded creatures, especially
in cooler regions. Man compounded this advantage by means of clothing and
heated houses, though the Southern races enjoy a quicker life process and
generally attain sexual maturity at an earlier age. Comparison of films
showing Neapolitans and North Norwegians conversing demonstrated that temperament
can be similarly influenced. Accelerated sequences clearly revealed that
far fewer "air movements" are performed in the North.
Thus, by-products of states of excitation developed into
communication signals in the course of human evolutionary history. If a
movement which was meaningless in itself conveyed a certain mood with sufficient
clarity, suitable mechanisms of recognition gradually adapted themselves
to it, thereby paving the way for its further reinforcement and ritualization.
As we said at the outset, lack of order gave birth to a new functional
unit – in other words, to something useful to the organism.
The view currently held by most biologists is that much
the same applies to the development of physical structures. Changes in
hereditary dispositions led to deviations from the norm, and these initially
random formations could – if, say, a creature changed its habitat – suddenly
acquire meaning. Selection then promoted improvements in these structures,
and that is how suitably specialized organs came to be formed.
That which is useful in a living creature is useful only
with respect to a function required by the organism. - Nothing is useful
if it does not contribute to or produce an effect.