Chapter 5
Acquired Behavior
It does not appear difficult, at first glance, to draw
a sharp distinction between innate and acquired behavior. The difference
is clear from their very designations alone, or so one would think But,
as this chapter aims to show, in practice it is extremely difficult to
draw such a distinction.
We have already seen that innate behavior is controlled
by nerve structures whose composition is determined by the hereditary formula
inherent in a creature's chromosomes. The chromosomes do not, therefore,
exercise direct control over hereditarily fixed behavior but merely create
the mechanisms which contribute to such control. This is not the case with
acquired behavior. This, too, is operated from the central nervous system
but by nerve structures which the organism builds up as a result of personal
confrontations with its environment. The controlling structures may be
similarly constituted in each case – and there is much evidence to suggest
that they are quite similar – but they come into being in quite different
ways.
In the case of acquired behavior, we call the process
by which they come into being learning. A distinction is drawn between
various forms of learning, although they do not permit clearcut differentiation.
First, there is a relatively passive process the accumulation of experience
– which depends upon the formation of- conditioned reflexes (associations).
Then there is active learning of the sort known as trial and error, in
which the forming of associations also plays an important part. A third
(original book page 52)
alternative is learning by imitation, a process which
can be linked either with deliberate demonstration or with teaching through
the medium of verbal communication.
Each case presupposes a basic aptitude The central nervous
system must somehow be in a position to store experiences. Particular environmental
impressions must leave behind traces of some kind. An organism must somehow
be able to note certain details of its struggle with environment. For this
purpose it needs a faculty which, when more highly developed, we call memory.
This faculty, which must not automatically be equated
with deliberate human recollection, has been tested in animals by means
of training experiments. The degree to which unicellular organisms possess
memory is still in dispute, but such a faculty has been clearly demonstrated
in very primitive flatworms (planarians). Experiments with a cuttlefish
proved that its memory retained an impression for 27 days. In the case
of a trout, memory survived for 150 days, of a rat for fifteen months,
and of a carp for as long as twenty months. In each of these cases a particular
incident had left traces in the brain of the creature in question which
affected its behavior for a given period.
Much controversy surrounds the question of how we ought
to conceive of these memory traces (engrams) in practical terms -in other
words, how the central nervous system stores such experiences. The original
theory was that memory depends on morphological or chemical changes inside
the nerve cells. According to Eccles, on the other hand, memory is based
on electrical oscillatory cycles which are interrupted by a particular
stimulus – i.e., by a specific experience – and then resume their course.
The theory of chemical anchorage (molecular hypothesis)
is supported by experiments conducted with planarians. These small worms
were trained to perform a certain task (they are capable of such an achievement)
and then cut in half. The regenerative capacity of the planarian is such
that the forepart grows a new tail and the hind part a new head. Ensuing
experiments seemed to show that both new individuals – the one with the
regenerated head included – could accomplish the task in
(original book page 53)
question. This implied that changes effected by learning
were not only of a material nature but distributed throughout the body.
A still more astonishing experiment was conducted with rats. They were
also schooled in a task and then killed. An extract from their brains was
injected into the abdominal cavity of other rats, whereupon the latter
apparently produced a higher success ratio when performing the task in
question than before being so inoculated. Although these findings are in
dispute, it now seems likely that memory is stored in special molecules
probably those of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA molecules). This would be
particularly interesting because these molecules also carry hereditary
coordinations, which would confirm a conjecture made as long ago as 1870
by Hering to the effect that common features exist between memory and heredity,
which he termed organic memory.
Further experiments indicated the existence of two forms
of memory, short term and long term. That totally different phenomena are
involved became clear from experiments with cuttlefish, in which the two
faculties are located in different areas of the brain. In the case of goldfish,
it was possible to prove that their short-term memory changes into long-term
memory within an hour, and that the latter definitely depends upon the
formation of protein. It is conceivable, therefore, that both theories
of memory are correct. Short-term memory might depend upon an electrochemical
oscillatory process within the nerve cells, and these oscillations could
lead to the forming of a physical substance in which the memory trace remains
anchored for a considerable period.
Let us now turn to the first form of learning: learning
by the formation of conditioned reflexes. Such learning can result in entirely
new reactions, but it often promotes changes or refinements in behavior
which is already innate. This is how the toad, having initially snapped
at small moving objects, learns to avoid insects which taste bad or sting.
The unpleasant experience associates itself with the memory of such creatures'
special characteristics, and the toad refrains from snapping at insects
of similar appearance. The same applies to the young European polecat,
which will initially chase only creatures that move. Only experience teaches
it to recognize the motionless
(original book page 54)
mouse as well. The learning of special routes requires
the correct collation of numerous landmarks. When the digger wasp first
leaves its hole in the ground it flies in a circle several times so as
to imprint the neighborhood on its memory and thus learns its return route.
Bumblebees afford an even better illustration of how this form of direction
finding depends upon imprinted landmarks. If they encounter a conspicuous
flower and return immediately to their nest, they can still find the same
flower again readily. If, however, they meet a less readily visible flower,
they make several circuits before returning home so as to plot the bloom's
exact position in relation to certain landmarks. In each case learning
is based on an association of distinguishing features. The innate mechanisms
for the recognition of key stimuli thus become more selective, and the
behavior of the individual becomes better adapted to the particular features
of its environment.
Learning by trial and error plays a major role in the
acquisition of physical aptitudes. In birds, for instance, the motor coordination
of flying is hereditarily fixed – but only in basic outline. Real skill
in navigation – especially the difficult art of landing can be acquired
only by practice. Young mammals learn many of their adult aptitudes in
the course of play, of which we shall have more to say later. They gauge
the potentialities of their own bodies by repeated experimentation, and
so build up cerebral control formulas which later stand them in good stead.
Innate behavior patterns are often refined and improved in the process.
For example, the "killing bite" is innate in the European polecat, but
the animal must first learn the proper method of applying it to the neck
of its quarry (e.g., a rat). This it does while playing with youthful contemporaries.
Orientation problems, too, are solved by trial and error. This process
has been exhaustively studied in mice, in artificial mazes in which food
can be reached by a single specific route. After several fruitless attempts,
the rodents stumble on the route by accident and finally, after repeated
successes, register it. The guidance formula built up within their brain
is then based on a whole system of distinguishing features-on acquired
recognition of key stimuli which, when present in a certain sequence, elicit
certain reactions.
(original book page 55)
Learning by imitation clearly requires special mental
capacities, since this process is demonstrable only among the higher vertebrates.
As soon as lion cubs are old enough to accompany their mother, they watch
her hunting and thus learn how to stalk prey, keep to leeward, and perform
outflanking maneuvers. It is well known that rats quickly learn to avoid
poisoned bait. In this case, knowledge passes from one animal to another
because the inexperienced take their cue from the experienced. Traditions
can grow up among animals in this way. In England, titmice have learned
how to use their beaks to open milk bottles left on doorsteps. This avian
discovery was first observed at Swaythling, Hampshire, in 1921 and spread
to many other parts of the British Isles – Scotland and Ireland included
– in the twenty-six years that followed. The growth of a similar tradition
was traced from individual to individual among macaco monkeys on the Japanese
island of Koshima. The animals were fed by scattering grain on the seashore,
which meant that the grains of wheat had to be picked out of the sand.
One of the monkeys discovered that it was easier to separate grain from
sand by throwing a handful of sand, complete with grain, into the water,
where the components separated because the sand sank more quickly. This
discovery, which took place completely free of human influence, was subsequently
copied by other monkeys of the same community, and the expedient was adopted
by no less than nineteen of them over a period of twelve years. In each
of these cases the creatures in question had managed to introduce other
individuals' motor coordinations into their own – a process which may seem
simple to us but actually represents an extremely complex linking of sensory
impressions with personal experiments in motion.
Learning by demonstration, an even rarer phenomenon in
the animal world, is a faculty that seems to be confined to creatures of
the highest intelligence. At Basel Zoo, Schenkel watched a mother gorilla
lead her newborn baby to the bars of the cage, encourage it to climb by
means of appropriate movements, and even assist it by guiding its paws.
She was thus teaching it by encouraging some movements and inhibiting others
– another process which seems obvious to us because
(original book page 56)
we are conversant with it, but which, in the female gorilla,
presupposes a very advanced and complicated feat of intelligence.
What we mean by intelligence or understanding is easier
to illustrate by means of examples than it is to define theoretically.
If a chicken sees an inaccessible cache of food behind a fence, it runs
up and down behind the barrier and achieves nothing. A dog in similar circumstances
soon "realizes" that this is pointless. It gains access to the food by
examining the fence to see if it has an opening or can be bypassed. What
we call intelligent behavior generally depends upon a better recognition
of related factors. We are still ignorant of the particular cerebral processes
which form the basis of this ability. In essence, however, they probably
entail the evaluation of past experiences, acquired independently of one
another, in such a way as to master a new problem as it arises.
An attempt was made to analyze such performances in specially
constructed cages. The objects of research – mainly rats and mice, but
also doves, cats, and monkeys – were encouraged to perform assignments
by pressing keys or manipulating other contrivances, success being associated
with a suitable reward. It became clear that initial successes achieved
by random experimentation usually failed to make a lasting impression.
A graphic evaluation of results shows that the learning curve rises very
gently at first. After further successes, however, the number of correct
actions increases notably as though the creature has suddenly grasped the
nature of the task confronting it. In many intelligence tests the animals
did not proceed at random even during preliminary experimentation, but
in such a way as to suggest that they were working on the basis of a hypothesis.
Depending on the fruits of success in earlier experiments, they would –
when confronted by an intersection in a maze, for instance – either favor
one of two turnings for a while or choose them alternately.
Numerous experiments have demonstrated that animals,
too, have the ability to abstract. They are capable of recognizing the
essential features common to different phenomena and thus by abstracting
certain relevant characteristics – arrive at concepts. These, however,
differ from human concepts in that they
(original book page 57)
are averbal, or not crystallized in the form of verbal
definitions. Experiments conducted by Rensch and Dücker with a civet
cat revealed a considerable ability to sift various sensory impressions
for certain characteristics essential to the significance of the whole
(generalizing abstraction). The animal was trained to distinguish between
two parallel semicircles (meaning "food") and two straight lines (meaning
"punishment"). It was then presented with increasingly complicated patterns
in which these two recurred in modified form. The cat showed that it could
eventually distinguish between the concepts "bent" and "straight." It also,
in similar fashion, formed the twin concepts "equal" and "unequal."
When we remember the innate ability to select certain
key stimuli from a plurality of stimuli and recognize particular objects
by their distinctive features, the analogy with concept formation becomes
obvious. What occurs through an innate
Patterns for the testing of averbal concept formation in a civet cat.
The animal was trained to construe two parallel semicircles as positive
(rewarded with food) and two parallel straight lines as negative (a). Once
it had mastered these alternatives it was offered the elements "bent" and
"straight" in an increasingly modified form. The percentage of correct
choices was 90 percent in b, 90 percent in c, 82 percent in d, 80 percent
in e, and 66 percent in f.
(After Rensch and Ducker, 1959)
(original book page 58)
mechanism in one instance is effected in the other by
a nerve structure founded on experience. Recognition of the common element
by means of certain typical features is what is involved in each case.
Koehler recorded outstanding examples of generalizing
abstraction while testing the abilities of various creatures to count.
Doves, parrots, ravens, and squirrels learned to pick out a quite specific,
prescribed number of seeds or morsels of food from a larger number of the
same. In the case of a gray parrot the experimental procedure was rendered
still more difficult by obliging it to take the seeds from several covered
food bowls containing different numbers of seeds (and in one instance none
at all). The bird proved equal to the task: It uncovered each bowl in turn
and stopped after finding and eating the preordained number of seeds. More
than that, it understood its orders, just as well when the prescribed number
was conveyed by means of light and sound signals. In other words, it had
transferred the concept of number from light to sound.
Where such achievements are concerned, related factors
are embodied in a form of complex. This particular faculty was exhaustively
tested in maze experiments with rats and mice, which revealed an astonishing
ability to transpose. For example, once mice had committed all the passages
in a maze to memory, they could pick their way through another maze which
resembled the first except that its passages met at an angle of 45 degrees,
say, rather than at right angles. And they found their way around the new
maze even when all distances were doubled-indeed, they succeeded even when
the new maze represented a mirror image of the old.
The ability to grasp related factors is particularly
marked in chimpanzees. These creatures can solve the problem posed by a
suspended banana by stacking two boxes and mounting them armed with a stick.
They are also capable of lengthening a stick by fitting two sections together.
In Tanganyika Jane Goodall watched wild chimpanzees extracting termites
from their nests with thin twigs or blades of grass. Using their fingers
to open one of the exits used by termites at swarming time, they insert
the twigs. This causes a number of termites to bite, whereupon The chimpanzees
withdraw them on the end of the twigs and
(original book page 59)
Chimpanzees undergoing intelligence tests. Left: A chimpanzee fishing
for a banana with the aid of two crates and a stick. Right: A chimpanzee
preparing to reach a banana outside its cage by fitting two rods together.
(After Koehler, 1921)
eat them. Another feat of intelligence Jane Goodall also
observed enables chimpanzees to get at water too deeply secreted in hollow
tree trunks to be reached with the mouth. Just as we would employ a sponge,
so they take a handful of leaves, thrust their arms into the hole, dunk
the leaves in the water, and thus convey the liquid to their mouths. All
these cases exemplify a use of tools based on intelligent behavior.
The ability to form new and individual patterns of action
which are not hereditarily determined can thus be traced in animals as
it develops; beginning with slight modifications in innate forms of reaction
and ending with genuine feats of in-
(original book page 60)
telligence which approximate our own. We can also trace
the continuous expansion and differentiation of the central nervous system
– in other words, the increasing refinement of the organ responsible for
such feats. Quantitative as well as qualitative differences appear to be
involved here. Rensch succeeded in establishing the existence of a relationship
between vertebrates' performances in the field of learning and their absolute
brain capacity. It would seem, therefore, that a part is played not only
by the particular architectonics within the brain but also, and to a very
large extent, by the absolute number of ganglion cells available.
As already mentioned during our allusion to animal concept
formation, there are certain parallels between acquired and innate behavior.
This becomes even clearer in the realm of movement. With hereditary coordinations
we saw that the cells which provide their anchorage are characterized by
a spontaneous generation of excitation, and that there is a growth of appetencies
which compel the organism to perform certain movements. The same applies
in this respect to coordinations acquired by learning, which may be termed
acquired coordinations. Once engraved on the brain by frequent repetition,
these become habits. And as one can plainly see in animals, habits are
linked with appetencies, one expression of this being the restiveness which
afflicts animals after the expiration of the time at which they are accustomed
to perform an action. A dog which is used to retrieving, and which is given
no opportunity to do so, plainly shows it. Here, too, there is a lowering
of the stimulus threshold-and when the action cannot be carried out, displacement
movements occur. The excitation caused by the blocking of a habit leads
to the performance of other actions of some kind.
Although innate and acquired behavior may come into being
in different ways, they do betray certain similarities. Distinguishing
between them can be difficult, however. To take conditioned reactions as
an illustration of this, it is innate in dogs that their salivary glands
begin to function as soon as they perceive a certain taste. Ring a bell
before feeding (this was Pavlov's classic experiment designed to prove
the formation of (conditioned reflexes) and before long the sound of the
bell
(original book page 61)
alone suffices to cause the secretion of saliva, even
without the
perception of taste. What is acquired and what is innate
in this instance? The new nerve connection (association) is clearly acquired,
but the new reflex also makes partial use of the old innate nerve track
because no new nerve connection to the salivary glands has been formed.
Thus, strictly speaking, only part of this new behavior is acquired
In the case of complex movements the problem becomes
even more difficult. Many hereditarily fixed behavior patterns are still
incomplete at birth and do not mature until later, so that an animal may
seem to have formed certain behavior as a result of some learning process
or other. Instances of delayed maturation have been demonstrated in both
the motor and sensory fields. One classic case is Hess' experiment with
chicks. Soon after hatching, these begin to peck at small objects with
their beaks, but in the first few days they usually miss the mark. Give
them a target consisting of a slab of soft clay with a nailhead in the
center, and one can clearly see from the imprint of their beaks how wide
of the mark they are – i.e., the extent of their "scatter." Their aim improves
on the second and third days, and by the fourth day the imprints are close
to the nailhead. It seems in this case that improved aim is the result
of practice – in other words, acquired. Hess succeeded in showing that
this is not so, however, and that what is involved is a late maturing of
the directional mechanism. He provided newly hatched chicks with prismatic
spectacles which gave their vision a slight bias toward the right. The
chicks' beak imprints were displaced accordingly – that is to say, their
scatter was centered not on the nailhead but some distance to the right
of it. On the fourth day they were more concentrated but still to the right
of the nailhead. The chicks had certainly not learned – in fact, the nailhead
had not been struck once-but the scatter had become smaller. This clearly
showed that their aiming mechanism had improved as a result of late maturing,
not of a learning process.
The distinction between innate and acquired is further
obscured in many forms of behavior by the fact that innate and acquired
components are often closely conjoined or, as Lorenz puts it, entwined.
For instance, the motivation for learning –
(original book page 62)
i.e., the reason why an animal troubles to learn at all
– derives largely from its various instincts. This or that member gains
predominance in the parliament of instincts, whereupon the animal exerts
all its faculties in order to attain the goal dictated by its prevailing
impulse. This form of endeavor is one of the chief reasons why an animal
learns at all. What it learns is undoubtedly acquired, therefore, but the
motive power is innate.
In addition, there is another special instinct which
aims at learning for its own stake. This is the play or curiosity instinct
which prompts the young of the higher vertebrates actively to explore their
environment and test their physical ability by carrying out every conceivable
type of movement. For the most part, hereditary coordinations are innately
fixed in these animals only in the form of quite short series of movements-components
which are subsequently built, by means of learning and practice, into more
highly integrated and complicated motor patterns. The animals thus benefit
from an ability to adapt themselves to environmental conditions far better
than they could if dependent solely upon chains of action determined by
heredity. Is behavior that comes into being in this way acquired, or is
it innate? The answer is: both.
Experimenting with squirrels, Eibl ascertained the precise
extent to which the concealment and opening of nuts may be ascribed to
innate or acquired motor control. The act of concealment is entirely determined
by heredity, whereas the technique of opening nuts comprises both acquired
and innate components. The movements of gnawing and cracking are already
present as hereditary coordinations, but the squirrel learns the best method
of putting them into effect by experimentation. An expert can tell by the
marks of gnawing on opened nuts whether an experienced or inexperienced
squirrel has been at work. Inexperienced animals begin by gnawing crisscross
grooves at random until the shell breaks open at some point. Experienced
animals, by contrast, gnaw only one groove, insert their lower incisors
in it for better purchase, and crack the shell open. Eibl noted that inexperienced
squirrels also try to exert a leverage effect, but this yields results
only when the groove is correctly aligned.
A further entwinement of innate and acquired behavior
oc-
(original book page 63)
curs in the so-called learning dispositions, which represent
a kind of foreknowledge of what ought to be learned. Chaffinches, for example,
have a song with an innately fixed length and number of syllables, but
its characteristic division into three strophes must be learned by imitating
adult members of the species. If young chaffinches reared in isolation
are played recordings of other species of birds, they will accept their
song as a model, but only if it resembles that of the chaffinch in tonal
quality and strophic form. If they are played various songs including that
of their own species, they will recognize the latter and give it preference
as a model. In this instance, as in numerous others, the ability to learn
is not entirely flexible but innately slanted in one particular direction.
The creature has a prescribed curriculum, as it were-in other words, an
innate knowledge of what it should learn.
Acquired behavior becomes still more firmly rooted as
a result of imprinting, a phenomenon discovered by Lorenz. Here, learning
dispositions make their appearance at a quite specific sensitive or critical
period, and learning of this kind results in patterns of behavior which
cannot subsequently be changed. Goslings, for example, become imprinted
by what they see immediately after hatching out and follow it around from
then on. Normally this is their mother, but if they catch sight of a human
being or a balloon, they will follow only a human being or a balloon. Not
even reunion with their mother will alter their behavior. They are henceforward
imprinted in favor of another object, and their instinct to follow can
be aroused only by that object. In this case the act of following is present
as a hereditary coordination, but the nature of what is followed depends
upon sensory impressions received during the early days of existence. Instinctive
behavior is thus in part flexible. The motor component is complete, whereas
the sensory component acquired its shape from a particular impression.
Hess determined the exact duration of this critical period
in ducklings. He mounted a dummy drake on a disk which was rotated slowly
while a loudspeaker concealed in the dummy emitted artificial calls. Having
been kept in total darkness for varying periods, each of the ducklings
was allowed to _follow the dummy in a circle for one hour. Depending upon
the
(original book page 64)
strength of their impulse to follow, they faithfully scurried
along after the dummy. By this means, Hess was able to determine that the
critical period in ducks occurs between the thirteenth and sixteenth hours
after hatching. Ducklings which followed the dummy during this period were
henceforth imprinted in favor of its particular characteristics. They continued
to prefer drakes, although ducklings are normally led by the mother duck,
which has different coloring.
In many creatures, sexual behavior is also determined
during sensitive periods. A male duckling which is made to associate exclusively
with male ducks during the crucial period will behave homosexually for
the rest of its life, even when females are in the vicinity. Similarly,
a young cockerel in its sensitive phase can be imprinted in favor of ducks
and will later wade into the water in order to court them. A jackdaw which
is reared by humans until fully fledged and prevented from seeing other
jackdaws remains sexually imprinted in favor of human beings. It may consort
with other jackdaws, but when the mating season arrives a year later, it
will only court human beings – even if there are other jackdaws around.
In all these instances, imprinting must occur long before the creatures
exhibit any sexual behavior. Budgerigars imprinted in favor of human beings
can be induced to mate and breed in a covered cage. One sight of a human
being, however, and both birds start courting the latter, pair formation
is disrupted, and the brood neglected. Such examples are clearly illustrative
of the power inherent in this process.
In many creatures even brood-tending behavior is influenced
by imprinting. The cichlid Hemichromis bimaculatus, for instance, can distinguish
between the young of its own species and those of another. It protects
its own and eats the others. If alien eggs are put beneath it at first
breeding, however, it will protect the young fish that hatch from them
and also prefer the young of the same species to its own in future breeding
periods.
Imprinting determines motor behavior as well as sensory.
Heinroth discovered this in some nightingales which he reared. The young
nightingales were within earshot while he was recording the song of some
blackcaps; some months later, when
(original book page 65)
their own song commenced in springtime, Heinroth was surprised
to hear that they sang exactly like blackcaps, faultlessly and without
omission. Similarly, if zebra finches hear nothing but young gulls during
their first thirty-five days, they become imprinted by the gulls' totally
alien call. Even if they consort continuously with their own kind thereafter,
they still emit calls like young gulls and continue to do so.
It is interesting to note, finally, that serious behavioral
disorders can occur in a creature if it is deprived in youth of certain
environmental stimuli which are necessary to its normal development. Female
rhesus monkeys, for example, proved to be poor mothers and extremely aggressive
if reared apart from their own mothers. Their contact with other members
of the same group was also impaired. Again, it is particularly important
for young rhesus males to have playmates. If reared in isolation, they
fail to copulate with females when adult because they grip them incorrectly.
Significantly, they are incapable of learning the technique in later life.
We speak here of learning processes which resemble imprinting. In this
case, too, the formation of an innate behavior pattern is linked with the
timely appearance of particular environmental stimuli.
Thus the question "Innate or acquired?" can be decided
only on the basis of very careful investigation. Even acquired behavior
may be largely influenced by a hereditary formula.